Thursday 29 September 2016

The Nightmare in Paradise


It’s been almost three months now, and each day brings news of curfew, stone pelting and pellet guns, tear gas and rubber bullets, and the tragedy of avoidable loss of life and injuries of civilians, police and army personnel. The last event that has shaken every corner of the nation, every segment of society and every political party is the Uri attack by Pakistani sponsored terrorists which left 18 army personnel dead. I pay my homage to them and salute them for their supreme sacrifice in defending our country, and pray for their families for coming to terms with their loss. 

I am extremely perturbed that the Chief Minister of J &K, Ms Mehbooba Mufti, has advised the Prime Minister of a three-pronged action plan, to resolve the Kashmir issue, ‘including involvement of separatists and Pakistan in substantive dialogue…’ Is she not aware that the problem has been settled not once but four times? And that in spite of the commitments at Tashkent and Shimla, Pakistan’s perfidy has never ceased? As the most monstrous reincarnation of terrorism in the world today, Pakistan is still determined to capture the whole of J&K through the terrorism that it is perpetrating in the valley, acting as a partner of the IS and other jihadi terror groups. 

I would like to tell Mehbooba that her advice for dialogue with Pakistan is anti-national, and Pakistan is not a stakeholder at all in the Kashmir issue. Kashmir is an integral part of India, constitutionally , legally and morally something that is non-negotiable. It is the people of Kashmir with whom the dialogue should be held and it is she who must lead it as Chief Minister. The Human Rights groups’ concerns shall be respected, provided their demands are rational and take into account the terrorist behaviour of Pakistan, and its export of terrorism into Kashmir.

I fail to understand why Kashmir is still perceived as a problem that has yet to be solved. It has been solved four times – the first time in 1947, when Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir acceded to the Union of India, after a fully armed section of the Pak army disguised as tribal’s invaded the state and almost reached the outskirts of Srinagar. Both under the Constitution as well as International Law the whole of Jammu and Kashmir became fully a legitimate part of sovereign India. The Indian forces succeeded in driving back the attacking tribals and could have taken the whole of J&K, including what we call Pakistan Occupied Kashmir, (POK). But it was Nehru’s folly to accept an armistice, while part of the state territory still remained to be taken over. But both by domestic and international law, the title of India to the entire territory of the state of J&K (including what we call Pakistan Occupied Kashmir, POK) is unchallengeable in law.

The second time the Kashmir issue was solved was after the 1965 war, when Pakistan again resorted to an illegal war to conquer our side of Kashmir by armed force. Pakistan lost badly, and the war ended with the Tashkent Declaration, the essence of which lies in two promises:

(i) Neither Party shall change the present status quo by force or violence or war;

(ii) Neither will carry on any propaganda for changing it.

​Pakistan should be grateful for Indian magnanimity – we gave them much more than what they deserved. India has virtually made a moral promise not to claim any part of POK. But this assumes that Pakistan will never make any claim even to even one inch of Indian Kashmir. If Pakistan repudiates by word or deed any part of the Tashkent Declaration, India’s claim to POK will remain fully alive and enforceable before any International Tribunal. 

The third time the Kashmir issue was resolved was after the 1971 war when Bangladesh broke away. The Shimla Agreement of 1972, in its reference to J &K states in Para vi) (ii) “In Jammu and Kashmir, the line of control resulting from the ceasefire of December 17, 1971, shall be respected by both sides without prejudice to the recognized position of either side. Neither side shall seek to alter it unilaterally, irrespective of mutual differences and legal interpretations. Both sides further undertake to refrain from the threat or the use of force in violation of this line.”

Do these agreements leave any doubt that the Kashmir issue has yet to be decided between India and Pakistan? In both the Tashkent and Shimla Agreements, the status quo on Kashmir has been accepted by Pakistan. And India has shown great generosity to Pakistan by agreeing to it. 

I would also like to ask the people of Kashmir whether they are aware that vast tracts of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir in the Gilgit-Baltistan region have been gifted to China? Does this not invalidate Pakistan’s claim on Kashmir? Do the Kashmiri people need any further proof that Pakistan has no respect or love for the people of J & K and have no qualms about pawning vast tracts of J &K to China as bribes, in their obeisance to China?

It is well established that the continuous violence in Kashmir is being triggered from across the border, through infiltration of the IS and the numerous Pakistan sponsored terrorist outfits such as JEM. It is also now an accepted fact that Pakistan is in league with the IS as the breeding ground for rearing and cultivating terrorist mercenaries across the world, be it Baluchistan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Kashmir, or the US. Notorious terrorists involved in several terrorist attacks that have taken place across the world are invariably reported to have done their terrorist training and radicalization stint in Pakistan. 

Another question I would like to ask is why are Kashmiri parents allowing their children and not preventing them in indulging in dangerous and illegal stone attacks against the police or security forces? I would hold the parents completely responsible for permitting their children to commit these crimes, and then seeking sympathy for them and their children.

Our defence forces should certainly be in a position of great alert, because Pakistan’s intentions are becoming increasingly more sinister. India has no intention of being an aggressor, but will not hesitate to retaliate in fullest strength, should the situation require it. And we are not a nation of cowards or afraid of going to war, should the situation so require. This has amply been reflected through the recent speeches of our Prime Minister and Foreign Minister in Kerala and the UNGA.

I have chaired the Kashmir Committee from 2002, and in 2002-03 had several rounds of talks with the Hurriyat leaders. The talks produced an agreement declared publicly by the Hurriyat in Delhi that:

1) Terrorism and violence are taboo.

2) A lasting and honourable peaceful resolution must and can be found. 

3) The resolution must be acceptable to all political elements and regions of the state.

4) Extremist positions held by all for the previous five decades have to be and will be abandoned.

5) Kashmiri Pandits will be rehabilitated with honour and rights of equality.

A careful understanding of the five points of the agreement show that abrogation of Article 370 of the Constitution of India on the one hand and secession on the other were consciously and finally abandoned. The polestar of the peace process would thereafter be the legitimate interests and rational expectations of all elements and regions in the composite state.

​This agreement brought joy to every Indian and to most Kashmiris. The moderate section of the Hurriyat had repudiated the extremists and, at the same time, carried on talking to the Kashmir Committee with the full concurrence of the Pakistan authorities. It is tragic that the usual wooden-headedness of the Government of India blocked a formal solution. At the International Kashmir Peace Conference held in Washington, my friend Ashraf Jehangir Kazi, the distinguished ambassador of Pakistan to the United States argued that the Kashmir Committee had initiated a process of acceptable change. If anyone refuses to accept this, it would only show that he is an enemy of peace, regardless of his pretended postures and rhetorical assertions. 

Pakistan’s terrorism in Kashmir cannot intimidate India. Kashmir is non-negotiable, and India has a strong legal and constitutional case vis a vis Kashmir. If Pakistan continues to flout its treaty obligations from Tashkent and Shimla, we should not shy away from referring the matter to the International Court of Justice, with an irrevocable pledge to abide by the verdict. 


Pakistan can only lose POK, which we have very generously allowed them to keep.

Tuesday 27 September 2016

FAKE DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN



I have heard a good part of the Stirring Saturday speech of the Prime Minister Modi in Kerala addressed to the people of Pakistan. I was touched by the emotion it conveys and the genuineness of his claim of being a real friend of the people of Pakistan Yes he did attack the rulers but I don’t blame him , Instead I compliment him. If I was in his place I might have been perhaps more critical of the bogus claim of Pakistan governing class of being a democracy. The history of Pakistan falsifies this claim completely.

The creator of Pakistan Mr. Jinnah was no genuine secularist despite his western education and un Islamic mode of life. In 1944 he had declared that Islam was “Our bedrock and sheet anchor,” and he would therefore declare in 1944;” We do not want any flag excepting the League flag of the Crescent and Star. Islam is our guide and the complete code of our life. We do not want any red or yellow flag. We do not want any isms, Socialisms, communisms or National Socialisms.” In April 1946 Jinnah embraced “ in the name of Allah the Beneficent, the Merciful” as the League pledge for Pakistan. In general, after the creation of Pakistan references to the Quran and the Prophet became increasingly prominent in Jinnah’s speeches, and even if Jinnah had held on to a somewhat broad view of minority rights, those simply did not manifest themselves in any constitutional or institutional guarantees during his short reign as Governor General of the new state . Jinnah died in September 1948, barely 12 months after the state was formed. While his contribution to Pakistan’ initial state formation was huge, in terms of lasting institution – building in a positive sense, his impact virtually proved non-existent.

I have written before about how the Muslim League persuaded the British to declare that when they gave up the sovereignty which was vested in the British Crown it will revert not to the people of the princely States (more than 500 in number) but to the undemocratic rulers. The League had its eyes on Hyderabad ruled by the Nizam and the notorious Razakars. This design was frustrated by the wise Sardar Patel. After that Pakistan turned to Kashmir. The ostensibly tribal invasion by soldiers in disguise was frustrated by their own delay in full one day delay in raping or ravishing beautiful nuns and teachers in a well known convent on the way. During this one day two events took place ; the Maharaja signed the Instrument of Accession to India and invitation to Indian forces to repel the threatened Pakistan invasion. India accepted the challenge and our brave soldiers repelled the tribal attack in nick of time. They threw the intruders back and would have got them out of the whole state of J&K but for Nehru Foolishly accepting a ceasefire with slightly less than half of J&K left in the control of Pakistan. India at least won an uneasy peace until 1965.

This was divine punishment for illegitimate designs on Hyderabad a predominant Hindu state right in the heart of India.

Pakistan did become an independent state which included the eastern state of Bangladesh. But let the world make no mistake. Sovereignty in Pakistan was captured by the Army and not the politicians as representatives of the people. Pakistan has been openly ruled by the Army and only half of the time by elected politicians that too only in name. The Stark truth has been that the people of the state have never become the real effective rulers.

Quaid-e-Azam claimed to be a great believer in the teachings of the great Prophet of Islam. This claim also not true. The holy Quran declared a great truth : “When one walks in search of knowledge he is on the path of God ; the ink of the scholar is holier then the blood of a martyr”. This is the essence of modern secularism after all secularism is the superiority of education ones illiteracy; of reason ones superstition and sciences ones religion. What is now peddled as Islam is a counterfeit version promulgated by Wahhabi of Saudi Arabia in who instead preached that all Mushrikun have no right to exist on this planet and his definition of Mushrikun included Jews, Christians , Hindu and even Shias and all non-Muslims. One has to see what is happening even to Shias in the Sunni world.

I invite all who wish to understand secularism at least to read and imbile the lessons contained in what I regard as one of the greatest book of this century. It is written by a trinity of three great world scholars Imam Jamal Rahman , Pastor Don Mackenzie and Rabbi Ted Falcon. Every religion has a core and a disposable past dependent on time and circumstance. The core of Islam is the teaching of Prophet – I have mentioned .When Muslims followed the real teaching of the Prophet they mastered the known world and produced philosophers , physicians and even monarchs, like Haroun and Rashid. In the 13th century they followed the teaching of some mad Mullah who told them to burn all the books except the Quran. I believe and not all the scholars of the Muslim world will shake this belief of mine that the Prophet of Islam was secular more than any counterfeit ones of today. The Taliban, the ISIS, the Hizbul Mujahideen and many such organisations are an insult to the Great Prophet of Islam. All the versions of Islam prevalent today almost without exception are counterfeit, most of them reflections of the Wahhabi teaching. No wonder Pakistan can ever be truly secular and a genuine democracy. Pakistan rulers have no commitment to the rule of a genuine democracy. The sad truth of is that Pakistan is one of the weakest states globally. Today powerful warlords control many parts of the country. Taliban for example has become a key player in the political system. Conflicts between the key sectarian groups, Sunnis and Shias, and by ethnic groups such as Mohajirs (7.57% of the population) and Baloch (3.57%) have made Pakistani cities like Karachi, Peshawar, and Quetta unsafe for their inhabitants. In addition, key ethnic groups such as Baloch, Sindhis (14.1 %), Pashtuns (15.42 %), and Seraikis (8.38 %) demand autonomy from the Punjabi- dominated (44.68 %) country, some more forcefully than others.

The military is not only the security provider but has also emerged as a key economic force in Pakistani society. Senior military officers are given land grants by the state, and over the years they have emerged as a major land – owning class. They have a presence in all other key businesses as well. The economic domination of the military class has meant that major economic changes like those undertaken by Korea and Taiwan are not in the interest of the military elite.

I am deliberately skipping many smaller matters for lack of adequate space and time too. I now proceed to concentrate on the subject of a non-existent democracy of Pakistan and the tragic reality of military dictatorship, which thrives on the tensions of the Kashmir boiling pot.

Pakistan specially since the time of Zia-ul-haq has consistently and deliberately pursued a two track policy of engaging in clandestine operations to weaken India while appearing to be willing to negotiate peace. In the book , The Quranic Concept of War , Brigadier S.K Malik states :

The Holy Quran wishes to see the Muslim armies always in an uppermost , dominating and commanding position over those of their adversaries… The Book wants the Muslims to retain the initiative to themselves through bold , aggressive but calculated and deliberate planning and conduct of war. We shall later see that , despite the gross inferiority of his numbers and material , the Holy Prophet ( peace be upon him) never let the initiative to pass on to his adversaries.


The First Military Takeover :1958

The major weakness of the Pakistani political order was the dearth of strong political leaders or political parties with a deep democratic sense or commitment. There were four governors general and seven prime ministers between 1947 and 1958, the most crucial period of state formation in terms of institution building. These weak civilian leaders , most of whom were drawn form the bureaucracy , lacked legitimacy and popular appeal. They also made no serious efforts to nurture democratic political processes , which required active political parties. The prime ministers and governors general jockeyed among themselves as to who should hold more authority.

The main purpose of the state was national security ( a rare source of consensus among all the political parties and the bureaucratic elite), ensuring the defense spending took the biggest chunk of the national budget. Pakistan’s defense expenditure during 1948 to 1959 was 59% of total governmental expenditure, growing by 116 % during this period.

By the second half of 1950s , the three A’s – “ Allah , Army and America “ – would emerge as the most powerful rallying forces in determining the destiny of Pakistan.

General Ayub Khan was appointed chief martial law administrator by President Iskander Mirza in October 1958 , in a proclamation equivalent to a coup d’e’tat. The proclamation of martial law and the military takeover of power were momentous events for the state in Pakistan as they killed the possibility of nascent democracy emerging , with a military subservient to civilian control. Within a few weeks of the coup Ayub Khan managed to dismiss Mirza as president and then have him exiled.

In march 1963 , he signed a border agreement with China , ceding 750 square miles of territory in Kashmir and in effect “ making China a party” to the Kashmir dispute.

The warrior state Pakistan tested its military mettle in 1965 war with India. As a preclude to the war, in March 1965, Pakistan launched a limited incursion into the Rann of Kutch region of Gujarat. A military stalemate resulted , but the biggest lesson learnt was that India would concede territory under pressure , as New Delhi agreed to international arbitration of the dispute. Following this “success”, Operation Gibraltar was conceived. The plan consisted of sending 7,000 to 8,000 specially trained mujahid soldiers into Indian Kashmir to dislocate and disorganize the Indian army by sabotaging Indian military installations and communication facilities. They would follow this by distributing arms to Kashmiri liberation volunteers. Once the guerrilla operation gained momentum, it was expected that India would find the control of Kashmir too difficult to sustain and would seek a conciliatory settlement , especially under international pressure.

These assumptions would prove wrong. Indian forces struck back by opening a second front on the international border in the Punjab , and were able to get close to the Pakistan city of Lahore. Pakistan , as a result , had to pull out its troops from the Kashmir theatre, thereby nullifying the limited advances it had made. The superpowers would diplomatically convince both state to agree to a ceasefire. A meeting was held at the Soviet Central Asian city of Tashkent in January 1966, attended by Ayub Khan and Shastri , where a ceasefire agreement was signed. Pakistan gained little territorially and the status quo ante was restored. Most importantly, neither of Pakistan’s strategic allies , China or the United States , would come to the rescue of its military adventurism. The latter in fact imposed an economic embargo on Pakistan , and military transfers and economic aid to Pakistan were curtailed. This put pressure on Pakistan to agree to a ceasefire after 17 days of fighting between December 1970 and January 1971. In the elections , East Pakistan’s Sheikh Mujibur Rahman would emerge as the overall winner with 160 seats , although in West Pakistan , the Pakistan People’s Party(PPP) led by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was the frontrunner with 81 seats.

By November 1971, India had intervened with troops , and on December 3, 1971, Pakistan declared war on both Eastern and Western fronts. The Indian army , led by General Sam Manekshaw and locally commandeered by Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora , led a short blitzkrieg operation lasting 13 days, thoroughly defeating the Pakistani army in East Pakistan and liberating Bangladesh on December 16,1971. Some 93,000 Pakistani troops surrendered to India , resulting in national humiliation to the Pakistani people, especially the Army, the supposed custodian of Pakistan’s security. The country lost its eastern portion and more than half of its population. This pivotal event profoundly harmed Pakistan’s future relations with India.

The secession of East Pakistan was a crucial event that only strengthened the warrior nature of Pakistani state. Although at the post war Shimla conference in 1972 Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto agreed to respect the Line of Control in Kashmir and seek an eventual resolution of conflict with India through bilateral negotiations , his policy became increasingly belligerent after returning home.

The Indian military victory in 1971 generated temporary period of calm on the subcontinent. Pakistan was much weaker than before: the eastern portion of its territory lost, its armed forces demoralized and its political elite groping for a second chance to build a national security state and re-establish strategic party with India.

The military was waiting in the wings to stage a coup, as was evident when the civilian rulers’ rank incompetence mounted. The opportunity came in July 1977 when General Muhammad Zia-ul- Haq , a zealot in uniform with military competence , ousted Bhutto’s democratically elected government. The popular agitation by the opposition parties and Bhutto’s repressive approach provided an opportunity for such a coup. Zia not only destroyed civilian rule , but sent Bhutto to jail on trumped –up charges of connivance in the murder of a political opponent and then allowed him to be hanged on April 4 , 1979.

Zia-ul-Haq continued the hyper-national security state policies and accelerated the covert nuclear weapons program. But Zia’s Major policy innovation was the introduction of Shariat Laws and the Islamization of Pakistan’s educational system. In that pursuit, he was helped by Saudi Arabia and its strict Wahabbi sect of Islamic preachers. More moderate elements of Islam were subjugated to this more orthodox view, and a generation of Pakistanis would grow up in a system of madrassas that his policies helped to set up. Many of them proved to be great seminaries of hatred , focusing almost exclusively on medieval teachings. The contemporary predicament of Pakistan in fact can partially be attributed to this one ruler whose policies have had a profoundly debilitating – and lasting – impact on the Pakistani body politic , its relation with neighbours , and even global security in the early twenty- first century. In many respects , Zia is akin to Aurangzeb , the Mughal ruler who introduced extreme Islamic ideas in South Asia in the seventeenth century and destroyed all the progress his predecessors , such as Akbar , had achieved in establishing inter communal harmony.

US direct military and economic assistance to Pakistan over the 1980s amounted to over $7.2 billion , leaving it only behind Israel, Egypt , and Turkey in aid received from Washington.

The United States closed its eyes to Zia’s accelerated pursuit of nuclear weapons. Washington’s policies indirectly helped the Islamization of Pakistan as Zia engaged with different mujahedeen groups in both Afghanistan and in Pakistan. Zia used the war in Afghanistan to gain the support of Pakistan’s Islamist parties, thereby weakening opposition to his tenuous rule.

The American military drive against the Soviet Union was a major success, forcing Moscow to withdraw from Afghanistan , and eventually helping to bring about the collapse of the Warsaw Pact and the Soviet Union as state. The end of the Cold War owes much to the Soviet Union’s failure in Afghanistan.

The Soviet retreat from Afghanistan in 1989 heralded momentous changes to the international system. It helped to end the Cold war and led to the eventual collapse of the Soviet Union. For Pakistan , it was disastrous as it released thousands of Mujahedeen warriors into its society , with over a million refugees serving as an easy recruiting ground for Jihadhist groups. Pakistan’s support of the mujahedeen has essentially created a war economy where narcotics and weapons become the most valuable currency, thereby further entrenching the warrior state. Washington made no real effort to settle the politically and strategically empty space created by the Soviet retreat. Its failure to do so would later haunt America , helping to facilitate the September 11,2001, attacks by al-Qaeda warriors supported by the Taliban, an entity which Islamabad had helped create.

Despite some limited attempts at democracy , from its early days Pakistan repeatedly found it immensely difficult to create or sustain democratic institutions. Indeed , it quickly became a garrison state where the ultimate authority rested with the military as the most powerful political and social institution , with the many privileges and risks that come with such a status. Since 1958, Pakistan has alternated between elected government and military rule, but democratic governance has been neither complete nor sustainable. The army has always been lurking behind the elected governments, holding real political power and the capacity to control the fate of the civilian elite. If the civilians failed to comply, the army would unleash its ultimate sword- coup d’e’tat. Even under civilian rule, the army and its spy wing , the ISI , never gave up their power over crucial national security and foreign policy matters , including the control of the atomic weapons that the country obtained in the 1980s.

Today , a leading scholar of Pakistan calls the military – intelligence establishment of the country the “ deep state” which can “ pick and choose policy toward extremists, refusing to fight those who will confront India on its behalf as well as those Taliban who kill Western and Afghan soldiers in the war next –door” in Afghanistan. Those civilian rulers who dared to seriously challenge the military establishment risk assassination, as happened to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Benzair Bhutto, or exile, as in the cases of Benzair Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif.

Pakistan ended up as a garrison or praetorian state and whenever the military ceded power to elected civilian governments, it did so only partially. This left Pakistan a hybrid democratic model where the ultimate power rested not with the people but with the military as a veto player in any decisions the civilian government would take.

I have called Pakistan a Garrison state. I have borrowed this adjective for Pakistan from a great book ‘ The Warrior State’ by one T.V Paul a book which I recommend to all my friends and in particular our External Affairs Minister Mrs. Sushma Swaraj. A Garrison state is a state which is preoccupied with danger, in which the specialist on violence are the most powerful societal group which appropriates a huge share of natural assets to itself; The army and those in command.

This has turned out to be a truth too long and I hope to complete it for my readers by the next week.